On Saturday March 21, I will be discussing my new book, The Last Psychoanalyst at CMPS, 16 West 10th Street, New York City. Entrance is under the stairs. The meeting will begin at 11:00 a.m. and will last until 2:00. It has been sponsored by the Unbehagen Salon, associated with Division 39 of the American Psychological Association.
The conversation is entitled: The Last Psychoanalyst: Does Psychoanalysis Have a Future or Is It All in the Past?
Participants will also include psychoanalysts Scott Von and Christopher Bandini. The discussion will be introduced by psychoanalysts Tracy Morgan and William Braun.
It promises to be a fun time.
Wednesday, March 4, 2015
Netanyahu's Moment; Obama's Shame
Yesterday Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
delivered the speech that President Barack Obama never gave, would never have
given and could never have given.
Never wishing to miss a chance to demonstrate its legendary
ineptitude, the Obama administration enhanced the speech’s importance by
surrounding it with what Bret Stephens called “a campaign of vilification.”
As Stephens explained yesterday in the Wall Street Journal,
the Obama administration would never have shown the same contempt for Turkey’s
Prime Minister Erdogan. In addition, Obama always speaks respectfully of the
Muslim Brotherhood and has bent over backwards to make nice with Iran.
While showering Israel and its prime minister with contempt,
Obama always speaks reverentially of the Prophet Mohammed. He even speaks
reverentially about Minister Farakhan.
Administration spokespeople were oozing contempt and
hostility for the Israeli Prime minister, before and after his speech. To be
fair, they were attempting to have it both ways. While Susan Rice declared that
the speech would have a “destructive” influence on Israeli-American relations,
John Kerry said that it wouldn’t.
The administration rightly feared that Netanyahu would
humiliate President Obama. Considering the immediate reaction of the more
unhinged Democratic representatives, Netanyahu succeeded.
Nancy Pelosi was caterwauling about how she felt insulted
that Netanyahu imagined that the Obama administration did not understand the
threat posed by Iran. Other Democrats called the Israeli prime minister a
child, accused him of fearmongering, and said it was all political theatre.
There is little doubt that it was orchestrated by the White
House to show how Obama really, really felt about Israel.
Taking a page out of the Zionist conspiracy chapbook, commentator
Chris Matthews denounced Netanyahu for trying to take over the American
government. Christiane Amanpour called the speech that it was “Strangelovian.”
One expects that television talking head try to say
something that will get them quoted. But, coming from Democratic members of
Congress, the rudeness was grotesque. Directed against a foreign leader, who
was duly invited to speak to Congress, it smacked of anti-Semitism.
In trying desperately to save Obama’s face they lost their
own.
If anyone had offered the same invective about an
Africa-American he would have quickly been denounced as racist and run out of
town.
Such is the confidence of the Democratic party in their
ability to control Jewish voters—perhaps through witchcraft—that they believe
that Jewish voters will continue to vote for them, no matter what.
By giving the speech that Obama could never have given,
Netanyahu exposed the administration’s failure to name Iran as the greatest
threat to international peace and order.
In comparison with Netanyahu, Obama looked very bad. He
looked weak. He looked cowardly. His strategy of being nice to Iran looked like appeasement. Clearly, he was humiliated, less by what Netanyahu
said about him as by the way that the presence of a true leader made him look.
Peter Baker in The New York Times captured the scene and the
event:
... for nearly an hour, Mr. Netanyahu seemed in command of the chamber, with
his baritone voice and bracing message generating a passionate response.
Glancing down occasionally at a written text, he quoted Moses and Robert Frost,
introduced the Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel in the gallery and displayed the
colloquial English and almost American political mannerisms that have served
him through three terms in office.
Mr.
Netanyahu argued that Iran’s “tentacles of terror” were clutching Israel and
that failing to stop it from obtaining nuclear weapons “could well threaten the
survival of my country.” Tehran already dominates the capitals of Iraq, Syria,
Lebanon and Yemen, he said, and the United States should demand that it stop
aggression against its neighbors and threats to annihilate Israel before
agreeing to any deal.
All you need to know is the name of the man who was running
America’s foreign policy while Iran was marching across Western Asia. While
Obama did nothing, a rebellion against the mullahs in Iran was crushed
mercilessly. While Obama sat on the sidelines, Iran’s Syrian proxy massacred
his people. When Obama pulled out of Iraq, the Iranians were more than happy to
fill the vacuum. And, of course we know what happened in Yemen.
The question is not what Netanyahu said and did. By
presenting himself as a leader, a man who understood the threat posed by Iran,
who refused to coddle the mullahs, who was willing to call things by their
names… he humiliated the president by exposing him as an incompetent poser.
Note also a Saudi columnist, Dr. Ahmad al-Faraj who declared
that Barack Obama was “one of the worst American presidents,” and that he was:
… working to sign a deal with Iran at the
expense of America's longtime allies in the Gulf…
The American deal with Iran does
not merely threaten the state of Israel. It also threatens Saudi Arabia and the
Gulf states.
Al-Faraj added that:
… therefore Netanyahu's
campaign against the deal is justified and serves the interests of the Gulf
states.
He concluded, making the point
that Netanyahu made when he declared that “the enemy of our enemy is our enemy:”
Since
Obama is the godfather of the prefabricated revolutions in the Arab world, and
since he is the ally of political Islam, [which is] the caring mother of [all]
the terrorist organizations, and since he is working to sign an agreement with
Iran that will come at the expense of the U.S.'s longtime allies in the Gulf, I
am very glad of Netanyahu's firm stance and [his decision] to speak against the
nuclear agreement at the American Congress despite the Obama administration's
anger and fury. I believe that Netanyahu's conduct will serve our interests,
the people of the Gulf, much more than the foolish behavior of one of the worst
American presidents. Do you agree with me?"
When a leader speaks clearly and forcefully, when he
achieves moral clarity, other players are willing to align themselves with him.
We know that the Saudis despise Obama. They despise him for
abandoning Hosni Mubarak. They despise him for supporting the Muslim
Brotherhood. But they despise him for helping Iran to expand its power and
influence in the region.
The Saudi government is very unlikely to embrace the Israeli
prime minister openly, but columns like the one I quoted must at least receive
the tacit approval of the authorities in that country.
Compare it to the fact that Nancy Pelosi’s disrespect for
Netanyahu led the news in Tehran.
Tuesday, March 3, 2015
The Case of Ellie Clougherty
What does it all mean? What does it tell us about the culture and what does the story tell us about how therapy is practiced?
Emily Bazelon has written a long and thoroughly-researched article about the
relationship between Stanford undergraduate Ellie Clougherty and Silicon Valley
entrepreneur Jon Lonsdale.
We are left to examine, not only
Clougherty’s charges of sexual abuse, rape and psychological kidnapping, but
also the role that therapists played in allowing her to formulate the narrative
that she used to understand her experience.
Clougherty’s therapists-- helped
by her mother-- persuaded her that she was the victim of a predatory older man.
She was a Catholic virgin before she met Lonsdale, the conservative Jewish libertarian
who is now accused of having inflicted severe psychological and physical harm
on her.
Bazelon only mentions the
political and religious differences in passing, but the story of an evil Jewish conservative preying on an innocent Catholic girl ought to raise a few warning flags.
Clearly, Clougherty was naïve and
inexperienced. Just as clearly, she suffered, apparently from the relationship
itself, and from the fact that it did not end in marriage.
But, whatever she pain Lonsdale
afflicted, Clougherty was also the victim of an ambient culture that imposed a
narrative that framed and diminished her experience.
Today, the relationship has
entered the world of competing lawsuits, charges and countercharges. Clougherty moved back to Virginia and finished her degree online. While she still wants to work in the tech world,
she now sees herself as an advocate for abused women.
Bazelon concludes her article
thusly:
He says
he’s relieved to finally confront her accusations in open court. She says going
public is liberating. “Now I’m free to live my life, knowing I sent this up
into the world and more people can respond to it other than just me.” She has
no plans to return to Silicon Valley and says she wants to advocate on behalf
of abused women. She’s also looking for a path involving brain research and
tech that would include social activism. “My only fear now is that people will
judge me, and then if I become a neuroscientist, they won’t believe what I have
to say,” she said a few days after filing suit. “It’s a risk, but I have to do
this.”
Clougherty has abandoned her
career plans in order to take up a cause. In effect, she has sacrificed her
hopes and dreams to become a martyr for a cause.
One might say that, for her, the
gesture is a consolation. She seems to prefer seeing herself as a powerless
victim than imagining that she agreed to participate in experiences that she
felt were degrading. Apparently, it’s the best that certain therapists can do.
A self-described good Catholic
girl, Clougherty had wanted to save her virginity for marriage. So, we are
within our rights to ask whether she would have employed the same narrative if
she had married Lonsdale.
Were the sex acts she seems to
have consented to intrinsically abusive, or did they become so when the couple
broke up? Or did they become abusive when she discovered that she, an
undergraduate was not being treated as an equal by Lonsdale’s friends?
One hesitates to doubt any woman’s
word on so serious a matter, but one recalls Laura Kipnis’s description of Clougherty’s
situation. Clearly, Kipnis does not sympathize with Ellie Clougherty:
The New York Times Magazine recently reported on
the tangled story of a 21-year-old former Stanford undergraduate suing a
29-year-old tech entrepreneur she’d dated for a year. He’d been a mentor in a
business class she was enrolled in, though they’d met long before. They
traveled together and spent time with each other’s families. Marriage was
discussed. After they broke up, she charged that their consensual relationship
had actually been psychological kidnapping, and that she’d been raped every
time they’d had sex. She seems to regard herself as a helpless child in a
woman’s body. She demanded that Stanford investigate and is bringing a civil
suit against the guy—this despite the fact that her own mother had introduced
the couple, approved the relationship every step of the way, and been in more
or less constant contact with the suitor.
In Bazelon’s account Clougherty lost her virginity to
Lonsdale in a hotel room in Rome. Since they had agreed to share the room
before their arrival, one imagines that Clougherty had freely decided to
consummate her relationship at that time, in that place. There is no suggestion that she changed her mind at any time during the consummation.
Clougherty had very little experience in romantic
relationships with men. Tall and beautifully striking, she had been ogled and harassed by men since she was a
girl and was very sensitive to unwanted sexual advances.
Before she met Lonsdale she had attended numerous events in
the tech world, a world which was mostly male and whose denizens mostly saw her
as a prospective love interest. She did not know how to deal with the situation
and developed an eating disorder. She had to fly home and seek treatment,
finally in a clinic:
At the
tech events that Clougherty went to, she was one of few women, and when men
pursued her, she often felt overwhelmed and intimidated. She told her mother
about it and could feel Anne’s concern radiating through their daily texts and
phone calls. In the winter of her sophomore year, Clougherty developed an
eating disorder. “I wanted to be invisible,” she told me. Alarmed, Anne flew
from Virginia and spent two weeks on campus trying to get her daughter back on
track.
But
Clougherty was struggling, and she withdrew from her classes and went home for
therapy for her eating disorder, including eight days of inpatient treatment.
After whatever happened in Rome, Lonsdale and Clougherty
engaged in a relationship. Clougherty’s friend, Rachel described the scene.
Bazelon reports:
Spending
evenings with Lonsdale and Clougherty, Rachel felt like a third wheel. She also
found Lonsdale condescending. When Lonsdale hosted dinners at his house with
other executives, Rachel said, she and Clougherty were sometimes the only
women, and Rachel felt they were belittled. Sometimes Clougherty would sit on
his lap. “It was like she was the pretty wallpaper,” Rachel said. He talked
about marrying Clougherty and made jokes like, “ ‘I have no power with you — I’m a
powerful man but I’m at
your mercy,’ ” Rachel said. Clougherty told me that she
wanted to believe she and Lonsdale could eventually be equals, using their
joint influence for good. “I thought it would be so nice to have the
chance to have an impact,” she said. “There are respectable women married to
respectable guys in the valley. I wanted to think, I could be happy like that,
too.”
Note that Clougherty, an undergraduate, sees herself as the
equal of a Silican Valley entrepreneur. She is offended that she and her friend
are treated like undergraduates by the tech entrepreneurs. Apparently, they
believe that their accomplishments are equal to those of the men around them,
regardless of what they have accomplished. One does not need to use too many
little gray cells to figure out where she learned that.
Note also that Clougherty also saw herself as a respectable
woman who could be married to a respectable guy. For many women, being
respectable is enormously important. In some cases a woman will believe that
there are certain sex acts that a respectable woman does not perform, period. She
will not perform them, even for her husband. And some women believe that sex
acts that might have signaled a lack of respectability can be redeemed by
marriage.
At the very least Cougherty seems to have been of two minds
about her sexual activities:
In
emails Clougherty wrote at the time, she told Lonsdale that she found him
attractive. “Kiss kiss kiss, you are super handsome,” she wrote in June, and
later, “You are a sexy man” and “It was so nice sleeping with you.” But around
the same time, she also told Rachel that she never wanted to have sex with
Lonsdale, beginning in Rome. “She said, ‘I don’t want to be having sex, but
he’s not listening to me,’ ” Rachel said.
Lonsdale seemed to be confused:
The
first [email from him to Clougherty] read: “Sometimes I feel it’s very clear
you are eager to engage sexually, but other times you will talk about me taking
advantage of you and forcing myself on you as if there is this dirty old
man/young innocent student dynamic, and I should feel badly about it. We will
do something and then just a bit later you’ll talk as if ‘how can I stop you
from making me do that?’ and yet earlier I honestly thought you wanted to.”
At one juncture in the relationship, Clougherty started
feeling that her status was changing. Instead of being a girlfriend and a
potential spouse, she started feeling like a booty call. Worse yet, Lonsdale was
spending less time with her, something she saw as a bad sign.
If Clougherty was feeling abandoned, she must also have been
feeling that she had given up her virginity for nothing.
Later, a therapist would convince her that she had suffered
from psychological kidnapping. Perhaps it's too obvious, but feeling that your boyfriend is abandoning you is
not the same as feeling psychologically kidnapped. To correct the apparent
contradiction you would need to think that the distancing is a manipulative
manoeuver designed to make her more dependent.
Bazelon reports the situation:
Lonsdale
hit a crucial period of fund-raising for Formation 8, and Clougherty expressed
resentment when he would ask her to come over late at night. He responded impatiently.
“I don’t know what analogy makes sense to you, and Odysseus is probably not the
right one,” he wrote in the fall. “But I am on a really big, difficult,
critical mission the next several weeks.” It would be hard for the relationship
to work, he warned, “if my darling is actually just sort of annoyed at me and
isn’t in a position where of course she is eager to see me anytime I can.”
Perhaps Clougherty was distressed because she was not
engaged. Perhaps she was distressed because she saw that she would not be
marrying Lonsdale. Perhaps she was distressed because she did not feel like an
equal.
As her relationship ended, she fell into despair and anguish, probably for feeling that she had lost her self-respect.
Whatever the reason, Clougherty was clearly in trouble. Her
mother flew to California to help her daughter. She brought a book that offered
a narrative explanation for Clougherty’s anguish.
In Bazelon’s words:
Clougherty’s
fragility reminded Anne of the state her daughter was in when she had to leave
school more than a year earlier. She decided to go to California again. On the
flight, she read a book suggested by a friend who had been in an abusive
relationship called “Why
Does He Do That?: Inside the Minds of Angry and Controlling Men,” by a
domestic-violence counselor, Lundy Bancroft. The book riveted Anne. She saw
Lonsdale in the descriptions of an abuser and she saw Clougherty in the role of
a victim in denial. Anne got to Stanford bent on an urgent rescue. “I was bringing
my daughter home no matter what,” she said.
Clougherty’s despair sounded to one psychologist like a
clear case of post-traumatic stress. One hastens to note that this diagnostic
category has lately been applied to far too many cases.
The psychologist also believed that the victim narrative
made a lot of sense.
Another therapist, Keith Saylor, with whom Clougherty
consulted in Virginia taught her how to reconstruct her experience within the
bounds of a narrative that made her a helpless and hopeless victim.
Bazelon summarizes the approaches taken by two therapists,
one a psychologist at Stanford, another Keith Saylor:
She
said that Lonsdale had forced her to have sex when she didn’t want to and also
talked about the man who accosted her in the restaurant bathroom when she was
10. The university psychologist noted in a report that she “seems to have
symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder from current and past trauma.”
Clougherty went home to Virginia and spent days crying and rocking in a corner
of her family’s living room. Clougherty embarked on therapy twice a week with
Keith Saylor, a clinical psychologist who treated her eating disorder. He used
prolonged-exposure therapy, a treatment
developed for combat-related disorders, in which a therapist prompts a
patient to describe deeply traumatic events. Later, patients listen to tapes of
their sessions at home every day in an attempt to drain the memories of their
power.
As he
typically does when conducting prolonged-exposure therapy, Saylor reflected
back Clougherty’s account, saying that she had experienced “multiple traumas
over a prolonged period of time that did repeated damage.” In one session, he
told Clougherty, repeating her words, that Lonsdale “held you captive,” continuing,
“You were essentially brainwashed over a year.”
Bazeon listened to the therapy tapes herself. I quote
her description at length:
On the
tapes, Clougherty swallows sobs and speaks in a thin, small voice. She
described particular sexual acts that she didn’t want to take part in and how
Lonsdale cajoled, begged and insisted until she gave in. She also said that
during sex he slapped and shoved her and put his hands around her neck. “It was
rape in a sadomasochist way nine times a day,” she said. In a later session,
Saylor again mirrored what she told him: “You didn’t have personal agency, you
didn’t have personal choice, all of those things had been robbed from you.”
Before
she went into therapy, Clougherty told me, she didn’t want to admit even to
herself that she had been raped. She wanted to believe that the relationship
was loving, and she also felt she had a lot to lose. “It was like I could call
him a rapist, and I could get judged and get in big trouble and not know how to
handle it or I could say, ‘He’s great, look at these emails, I want to date
that person,’ ” she said. “Trauma
therapy was the first time I felt allowed to talk about how I felt.”
She now
calls it a “psychological kidnapping,” a term she came up with after watching a
video about domestic abuse on the Internet, and she says she was raped every
time she and Lonsdale had sex. Saylor, who agreed to speak with me at Clougherty’s
request, said, “People in these kinds of dramatic circumstances sometimes don’t
tell anyone.” He also said that prolonged-exposure therapy doesn’t “encourage
perspective-taking” and that Lonsdale might have an entirely different view of
the relationship. “My role is not to question her veracity but to help her get
well.”
Saylor might have believed he was offering a version of cognitive therapy, his approach had less to with science and more to do with forgiving sins and offering a
special kind of absolution, a kind in which the individual does not need to
take any responsibility for her actions.
He was absolving Clougherty of all responsibility for
anything that happened. The notion that every time she had sex with Lonsdale
was a rape seems contradicted by some of the facts we know.
Saylor told Clougherty that she was a mere victim, that she
did not exercise free will at any time in the course of the relationship. Might
we not recognize that this is wildly judgmental, that it defames and slanders
Lonsdale and that it tells Clougherty that she was a mere puppet, manipulated
by a brutal male oppressor.
Besides, if she was so easily manipulated by a male oppressor, how can we know whether she was also being manipulated by her therapist?
In essence, Saylor seemed to be saying that Clougherty’s
experiences were not hers. Thus, perhaps she can now tell herself that she
remains innocent. And yet, once she went public with her allegations, the world
would see her within the context of those experiences.
Would it not have been better for Clougherty to take
responsibility for some of her decisions? If she bears no responsibility, then
she is being diminished and also deprived of the power to do anything more than
to make her narrative, with herself in the starring role, part of a larger a
cause.
In other words, she was given no chance of escaping the narrative. Therapy taught her to sacrifice herself for a cause.
She did not do it for herself, but for other women:
Clougherty
and her mother were rattled but undeterred about speaking out. “It’s not an
easy decision, but I just see it as a moral obligation,” Clougherty said. “I
really want to help other women.” In January, Clougherty filed
a civil suit against Lonsdale, accusing him of sexual abuse. She
called his behavior “violent and deviant,” saying he employed “psychological
manipulation and coercion” including “isolation, sleep deprivation, food
deprivation.” She also accused him of “strangling her, slapping her, scratching
her, yanking her by the hair so hard that he would lift her torso off the bed
and slamming her body against the walls and bed boards.” In addition, she sued
Formation 8 for being negligent in its supervision during the summer she was
doing the project with Rachel. The lawsuit states that she “wrote him numerous
emails and love letters to let him know how much she cared about him in the
hope that it would end the abuse.”
And yet, what do you think that this level of public
exposure will do for her future dating and marital prospects. One needs to
understand that making oneself a public spectacle, even for a good cause, even
when one is in the right, exacts a heavy price.
Alternately, we might imagine that once her relationship
with Lonsdale was over, Clougherty believed that she could never again be a
virgin, never again be innocent, and thus that she could never be the
respectable wife of another man. If that was her belief, her therapist inadvertently sustained it.
As for the way therapy changed Clougherty, her friend Jane
noted this:
In the
months after
Jane helped Clougherty break up with Lonsdale, she says that she watched with
increasing unease as Clougherty’s accusations mounted, from emotional abuse to
rape. “In March 2014, she texted me that she considered herself a ‘sex slave’
during her relationship with Joe,” Jane wrote in her statement. “This is far,
far beyond anything that she ever said about the relationship when it was
happening or for a long time afterward. It also made no sense in light of her
clear enthusiasm about the relationship.”
Monday, March 2, 2015
Laura Kipnis on Rape Culture
Whatever you think of its influence feminism still has the
power to drive an idea. Most recently, it has taken up the fight against what
it has labelled a rape culture on college campuses.
It is easier to atttack rape culture than it was to defend
hookup culture. I suspect that the brouhaha about rape culture is an effort to
shut down the hookup culture, culture that was often promoted by sex-positive
feminists but that was surely not in the best interest of women.
Given the current mood, it is nearly impossible for anyone
of the male persuasion to take a stand against the idea of rape culture.
Happily, several high-profile women have done so. They deserve considerable
credit for their excellent work on the topic.
Among them Emily Yoffe stands out. Her articles in Slate
have exposed the simple fact that the incidence of sexual assault on college
campuses has been exaggerated.
And let us not forget that many liberal law professors have
spoken out against the new college rules that are designed to deprive accused rapists of
due process of law.
In order to increase the incidence of rape, promoters of the idea of rape culture have expanded the
definition of the term to the point where almost any unwanted sexual advance
can be considered a violation.
Now, Northwestern University professor Laura Kipnis has
written a long and detailed critique of what she calls the “paranoia” about
rape on college campuses. She might have used the word “hysteria,” but that
would certainly have gotten her expelled from the sisterhood for blatant
sexism.
Kipnis begins with the concept of power imbalance, that is,
with the idea that when a less powerful woman is seduced by a more powerful man
she is being abused and exploited, even if she has nominally consented.
To expose the illogic in this idea, Kipnis notes that no
small number of college professors are married to former students. Some are
married to students who were in their classes as undergraduates. Some are
married to students who were graduate students when they met. Some are even
married to students who never attended their classes at all.
The new rules that are currently being proposed by college
administrators would condemn all of these marriages.
Kipnis writes:
You
have to feel a little sorry these days for professors married to their former
students. They used to be respectable citizens—leaders in their fields,
department chairs, maybe even a dean or two—and now they’re abusers of power avant la lettre. I suspect you
can barely throw a stone on most campuses around the country without hitting a
few of these neo-miscreants. Who knows what coercions they deployed back in the
day to corral those students into submission; at least that’s the fear evinced
by today’s new campus dating policies. And think how their kids must feel! A
friend of mine is the offspring of such a coupling—does she look at her father
a little differently now, I wonder.
It’s
been barely a year since the Great
Prohibition took effect in my own workplace. Before that, students and
professors could date whomever we wanted; the next day we were off-limits to
one another—verboten, traife, dangerous
(and perhaps, therefore, all the more alluring).
Of
course, the residues of the wild old days are everywhere. On my campus, several
such "mixed" couples leap to mind, including female professors wed to
former students. Not to mention the legions who’ve dated a graduate student or
two in their day—plenty of female professors in that category, too—in fact, I’m
one of them. Don’t ask for details. It’s one of those things it now behooves
one to be reticent about, lest you be branded a predator.
She describes the current policies at Northwestern:
According
to the latest version of our campus policy, "differences in institutional
power and the inherent risk of coercion are so great" between teachers and
students that no romance, dating, or sexual relationships will be permitted,
even between students and professors from different departments. (Relations
between graduate students and professors aren’t outright banned, but are
"problematic" and must be reported if you’re in the same department.)
Yale and other places had already instituted similar policies; Harvard jumped
on board last month, though it’s a sign of the incoherence surrounding
these issues that the second sentence of The New York Times story on
Harvard reads: "The move comes as the Obama administration investigates
the handling of accusations of sexual assault at dozens of colleges, including
Harvard." As everyone knows, the accusations in the news have been about
students assaulting other students, not students dating professors.
Speaking of predators the most egregious instance of a very
powerful male taking sexual advantage of a powerless female occurred when Bill
Clinton met Monica Lewinsky.
One notes with chagrin that the champions of the
power-imbalance theory of sexual abuse went to the mat to champion Bill Clinton
and to destroy Monica Lewinsky. Hillary Clinton herself declared that the story
had been ginned up by the vast right-wing conspiracy. Why does this make her
the perfect feminist candidate for president?
To keep it fair and balanced, Kipnis notes that some women students
took pride in their ability seduce their male professors. One tends to ignore
this fact because it does not fit the narrative, but it is worth noting anyway.
She explains:
As Jane
Gallop recalls in Feminist
Accused of Sexual Harassment (1997), her own generational cri de coeur, sleeping with
professors made her feel cocky, not taken advantage of. She admits to seducing
more than one of them as a grad student—she wanted to see them naked, she says,
as like other men. Lots of smart, ambitious women were doing the same thing,
according to her, because it was a way to experience your own power.
Feminists, Kipnis continues, are selling a fiction. And they
are forcing everyone to live as though that fiction were true.
In her words:
It’s
the fiction of the all-powerful professor embedded in the new campus codes that
appalls me. And the kowtowing to the fiction—kowtowing wrapped in a vaguely
feminist air of rectitude. If this is feminism, it’s feminism hijacked by
melodrama. The melodramatic imagination’s obsession with helpless victims and
powerful predators is what’s shaping the conversation of the moment, to the
detriment of those whose interests are supposedly being protected, namely
students. The result? Students’ sense of vulnerability is skyrocketing.
To make college women weaker, schools have more recently
discovered the concept of “trigger” words, words that can cause exceptional
trauma.
Kipnis says:
Students
were being encouraged to regard themselves as such exquisitely sensitive
creatures that an errant classroom remark could impede their education, as such
hothouse flowers that an unfunny joke was likely to create lasting trauma.
Later, she adds this reflection:
But
what do we expect will become of students, successfully cocooned from
uncomfortable feelings, once they leave the sanctuary of academe for the
boorish badlands of real life? What becomes of students so committed to their
own vulnerability, conditioned to imagine they have no agency, and protected
from unequal power arrangements in romantic life? I can’t help asking, because
there’s a distressing little fact about the discomfort of vulnerability, which
is that it’s pretty much a daily experience in the world, and every sentient
being has to learn how to somehow negotiate the consequences and fallout, or go
through life flummoxed at every turn.
The irony is rich indeed. For years feminists have insisted
that no one should pronounce the word “woman” without adding the qualifier “strong.”
They believed that their ideology would “empower” women beyond anything the
patriarchy had imagined. Now, feminists are working to enfeeble women, weak, making them feel vulnerable and hypersensitive.
Unwanted fondling and groping have suddenly become rapes.
And yet, as Kipnis says, how can a man know whether the touching was or was not
wanted if he did not do it.
By these standards Joe Biden should have been indicted for
his clearly unwanted manhandling of the wife of Defense Secretary Ashton
Carter.
And yet, a disagreement or a misunderstand might now become
a matter, not merely for campus authorities, but for public shaming. A woman
feels she was taken advantage of. She denounces the professor who did it. He believes
that she was consenting. He fondled her but they did not have carnal relations. He fights back in the courts.
The result: a public brawl that compromises the reputations
of both parties.
Clearly, Kipnis notes, the power to shame is an extremely
potent weapon, capable of destroying a person’s career and his life… without
giving him very much recourse. It is even more powerful than the power
imbalance.
For Kipnis, what matters is how well the people who get
caught up in the public drama about whether or not an act was a violation play
roles in a drama. Her analysis is excellent:
To a
cultural critic, the representation of emotion in all these documents plays to
the gallery. The student charges that she "suffered and will continue to
suffer humiliation, mental and emotional anguish, anxiety, and distress."
As I read through the complaint, it struck me that the lawsuit and our new
consensual-relations code share a common set of tropes, and a certain narrative
inevitability. In both, students and professors are stock characters in a
predetermined story. According to the code, students are putty in the hands of
all-powerful professors. According to the lawsuit, the student was virtually a
rag doll, taken advantage of by a skillful predator who scripted a drunken
evening of galleries and bars, all for the opportunity of some groping.
Kipnis, like Emily Yoffe and many others, believes that
rapists and molesters should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law. Those
who insist on keeping it all on campus—beginning with the federal government—believe
that the court system unfairly protects the guilty at the expense of the
innocent.
They protest because they feel that the court verdicts have
often been unjust and because women are treated very badly by
defense counsel in such cases.
To be continued.
Netanyahu, Obama, Israel, Iran
As has been widely reported, Israeli Prime Minister
Netanyahu’s upcoming speech before Congress has provoked anxiety in Israel, and
not only from his political opponents.
It signals the power of the American president and the wish
of Israelis to stay on the right side of their most important ally.
Be that as it may, the Israeli website, Debkafile responds
to those who have criticized Netanyahu. They explain the Obama policy toward
Israel and Iran.
Debkafile reports:
It took
time to catch on to Obama’s two-faced policy towards Israel because it was
handled with subtlety.
On the
one hand, he made sure Israel was well supplied with all its material security
needs. This enabled him to boast that no US president or administration before
him had done as much to safeguard Israel’s security.
But
behind this façade, Obama made sure that Israel’s security stayed firmly in the
technical-material-financial realm and never crossed the line into a strategic
relationship.
That
was because he needed to keep his hands free for the objective of transferring
the role of foremost US ally in the Middle East from Israel to Iran, a process
that took into account the ayatollahs’ nuclear aspirations.
This process unfolding over recent years has left Israel face to face with a nakedly hostile Iran empowered by the United States.
This process unfolding over recent years has left Israel face to face with a nakedly hostile Iran empowered by the United States.
While Israelis and American Jews are worrying about whether
or not Netanyahu will make Obama look bad, they ignore more important events:
Netanyahu’s
political rivals, while slamming him day by day, turn their gaze away from the
encroaching Iranian forces taking up forward positions in Iraq, Syria and
Lebanon, where they are busy fashioning a Shiite Crescent that encircles Sunni
Arab states as well as Israel.
It must be obvious that to bolster its rising status as the leading regional power, Iran must be reach the nuclear threshold - at the very least – if not nuclear armaments proper, or else how will Tehran be able to expand its territorial holdings and defend its lebensraum.
This is
not something that Barack Obama or his National Security Adviser Susan Rice are
prepared to admit. They are not about to confirm intelligence reports, which
expose the military collaboration between the Obama administration and Iran’s
supreme leader Aytatollah Ali Khamenei as being piped through the office of
Iraq’s Shiite Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi.
Israel is not the only country that is threatened by the
expanding Iranian power. And it is not the only country that will be targeted
by Iranian nuclear weapons. Israel is not alone in suffering the fallout of any deal that legitimizes the Iranian regime:
Egypt,
Saudi Arabia, the rest of the Gulf are as dismayed as Israel by Obama’s
regional strategy, which, stripped of its diplomatic veneer, boils down to a
straight trade: The US will allow Iran to reach the status of a pre-nuclear
power and regional hegemon, while Tehran, in return, will send its officers and
ground troops to fight in Iraq, Syria and even Afghanistan.
Sunday, March 1, 2015
"Moody Bitches"
According to psychiatrist Julie Holland women are naturally
moody. In her new book, Moody Bitches, Holland notes that psychiatrists have increasingly and unfortunately chosen to
medicate women’s emotions.
She begins by noting a point that, for some feminists will
count as heresy:
WOMEN
are moody. By evolutionary design, we are hard-wired to be sensitive to our
environments, empathic to our children’s needs and intuitive of our partners’
intentions. This is basic to our survival and that of our offspring. Some
research suggests that women are often better at articulating their feelings
than men because as the female brain develops, more capacity is reserved for
language, memory, hearing and observing emotions in others.
These
are observations rooted in biology, not intended to mesh with any kind of pro-
or anti-feminist ideology. But they do have social implications. Women’s
emotionality is a sign of health, not disease; it is a source of power. But we
are under constant pressure to restrain our emotional lives. We have been
taught to apologize for our tears, to suppress our anger and to fear being
called hysterical.
Holland then outlines the current situation:
At
least one in four women in America now takes a psychiatric medication, compared
with one in seven men. Women are nearly twice as likely to receive a diagnosis
of depression or anxiety
disorder than men are. For many women, these drugs greatly improve
their lives. But for others they aren’t necessary. The increase in
prescriptions for psychiatric medications, often by doctors in other
specialties, is creating a new normal, encouraging more women to seek chemical
assistance. Whether a woman needs these drugs should be a medical decision, not
a response to peer pressure and consumerism.
The
new, medicated normal is at odds with women’s dynamic biology; brain and body
chemicals are meant to be in flux. To simplify things, think of serotonin as
the “it’s all good” brain chemical. Too high and you don’t care much about
anything; too low and everything seems like a problem to be fixed.
Holland has objections to the overuse of SSRIs like Prozac:
The
most common antidepressants, which are also used to treat anxiety, are
selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (S.S.R.I.s) that enhance serotonin
transmission. S.S.R.I.s keep things “all good.” But too good is no good. More
serotonin might lengthen your short fuse and quell your fears, but it also
helps to numb you, physically and emotionally. These medicines frequently leave
women less interested in sex. S.S.R.I.s tend to blunt negative feelings more
than they boost positive ones. On S.S.R.I.s, you probably won’t be skipping
around with a grin; it’s just that you stay more rational and less emotional.
Some people on S.S.R.I.s have also reported less of many other human traits:
empathy, irritation, sadness, erotic dreaming, creativity, anger, expression of
their feelings, mourning and worry.
She continues:
If the
serotonin levels of women are constantly, artificially high, they are at risk
of losing their emotional sensitivity with its natural fluctuations, and
modeling a more masculine, static hormonal balance. This emotional blunting
encourages women to take on behaviors that are typically approved by men:
appearing to be invulnerable, for instance, a stance that might help women move
up in male-dominated businesses. Primate studies show that giving an S.S.R.I.
can augment social dominance behaviors, elevating an animal’s status in the
hierarchy.
Were we to ask where these ideas come from we would have to face the fact that feminists have, for decades now, insisted that gender
identity is merely a social construct.
Remember the feminist who explained that in order to get
raises and promotions women must lean in. Why should they do so? Because,
according to Sheryl Sandberg, that’s what men do.
Sandberg may or may not be right about men. In some cases
they are more assertive than women. And yet, leaning in, which feels like
getting in someone’s face, is certainly not the royal road to a raise or
promotion, regardless of gender.
It’s not so much that women have been implored to act like
men. Too often they have been encouraged to act like caricatures of men.
Holland’s point is cogent and well-argued. I am not,
evidently, qualified to agree or disagree with her judgment about whether psychiatric medication is over-prescribed, but I suspect strongly that she is
right.
Perhaps she mentions it in her book, but in her Times op-ed
she should have explained how contemporary feminism has contributed
to the problem.
After all, many of today’s psychiatrists are women. Many of
them are feminists. Even many male psychiatrists consider themselves to be
feminists. I am confident that there are very few Tea Party psychiatrists currently practicing.
The feminist culture influences the way women construct
their lives and the way they behave. It influences their attitude toward their
feelings. It has even influenced the way the therapy culture addresses women’s
feelings.
Feminists have declared gender identity to be a social
construct and have actively encouraged women to follow life plans that
resemble those undertaken by men.
Surely, the pharmaceutical industry and psychiatrists (more
and more of whom are women) are colluding in this enterprise by overprescribing
medication for women’s emotions. But if the cultural environment is
contributing to the problem, we must recognize that feminism
has powerfully influenced the way women see themselves and the way they understand
their emotions.
Credit or debit where credit or debit is due.
Egypt Rising
When nearly two dozen Egyptian Christians were beheaded by
ISIS terrorists in Libya, the Obama administration first refused to call them
Christians. It did not want to imply that they were murdered for their
religious beliefs. And it did not want to imply that the killers were acting in
the name of their religion.
Egyptian president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi reacted angrily to
the offense against his Christian citizens, sending bombers into Libya to
attack ISIS strongholds.
Now, he is planning an invasion of Libya, the better to
destroy more of ISIS.
Moreover, a court in Egypt has just declared Hamas a
terrorist organization. Recall that when Israel countered Hamas attacks in Gaza
the Obama administration decided to be even-handed, working to stop the Israeli
counterattack, even endorsing a principal Hamas demand—to end the blockade of
Gaza.
The Debkafile site has the stories, barely reported in other
news outlets:
Egyptian
President Abdel-Fatteh El-Sisi has massed his troops for all-out war on ISIS
strongholds in Libya, the first Arab ruler to challenge Islamist terrorists in
a fellow Arab country, DEBKAfile reports. His
initiative dramatizes the spillover of the Islamist State’s threat across the
Middle East, and the ineffectiveness of the US-led anti-terror coalition’s
efforts in Iraq and Syria. Egyptian commando and marine forces stand ready for
imminent sea landings to seize Darnah and wipe out the Islamist militias,
coupled with an air and ground campaign against their hideouts in Sinai.
Compare this to the Obama administration’s efforts to retake
Mosul. Debkafile reports:
Our
Washington sources report that the Obama administration’s planned spring
campaign to free Iraqi Mosul from the Islamic State’s occupation is stuck in
the sand. Democratic and Republican lawmakers alike accuse the president of
having no clear war strategy and of holding back from the US-led coalition the
fighting manpower necessary for a successful operation.
While
Hamas' armed wing was previously branded a terrorist organization, Saturday's
Egyptian court ruling was against the entire group on the basis of
incriminating evidence of collaboration for terror between the Gaza Strip’s
Hamas rulers and Al Qaeda-linked Sinai terrorists. Hamas condemned the verdict
as “shocking and dangerous.” Recordings were presented to the court of Hamas
leaders congratulating each other on the success of attacks they and Al Qaeda
had conducted against the Egyptian army in northern Sinai.
When people bemoan the difficulty of fighting ISIS and
declare that they do not know what can possibly be done, they can look to the
example set by the new Egyptian president.
But, naturally, this is difficult when the Obama administration
has engaged a fight against Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, a man who
apparently threatens the administration’s unseemly lust for a deal with the
world’s leading state sponsor of terrorism.
It is worth emphasizing that the Obama administration has always been in conflict with Israel. Its decision to be even-handed when Hamas attacked Israel and to support Hamas demands was certainly not the gesture of a friend.
As everyone knows, the election of President el-Sisi has
ushered in more cooperation between Egypt and Israel.
Considering that the Obama administration favored the
election of former president, now convicted criminal Mohamed Morsi, leader of
the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, one is not surprised to see him working to
have the Muslim Brotherhood, a designated terrorist organization, brought into the
Egyptian government.
Obviously, there is something wrong with this picture.
[Addendum: A Kuwaiti newspaper is reporting that the
Netanyahu government was about to bomb Iranian nuclear facilities last year. It
aborted the mission when the Obama administration threatened to shoot the
Israeli jets down.
And you were wondering why Netanyahu does not feel beholden
to respect Barack Obama.
I am sure that the American Jews who voted for Barack Obama are reassured to know that he has Iran’s best interests at heart.]
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