Those of us who prefer to find a rational interpretation for
even the most seemingly irrational actions are happy to read George Friedman’s
analysis of the war between President Trump and the press.
According to Friedman, both sides in this war are serving
their constituents. Trump is solidifying his base, most of whom
despise the intellectual elites. And the press is garnering more and more
subscribers, a vital necessity for a business that is barely viable.
By his analysis Donald Trump, the Antichrist himself, is the Savior the press has been praying for.
For the record Friedman distinguishes the press from the
media. While newspapers are barely profitable, television news—e.g. Fox News—is
thriving.
In Friedman’s words:
The
president needs the press to attack him to maintain his political center. The
press needs the president to attack it to convince its politically skewed
readership that it is defending their interests. The president’s attacks
solidify the press’ customer base. The founders’ vision of the tension between
the privately owned press and the elected president has turned into a
magnificently complex rage that actually serves the political and business
interests of both.
The press wants to survive as a viable media source. Its increasingly
opinionated readers are avid for any scraps of information that can make them
feel that they are right and that they are winning the struggle they are waging
against evil. Of course, if the press is increasingly driven by opinion, it
cannot at the same time be driven by facts. It might select the facts that
sustain the opinions its readers hold, but it cannot inform its readers at the
same time.
Today the press has organized itself to fight against the
evil of bigotry. American elites thought that the battle had been won with the
Obama presidency. They are horrified to discover that it has not. On the other side, the American
people, in large part, got tired of the culture wars and the social justice
crusaders. It wanted the nation to get back to business. Not the majority of
voters in the presidential election but the majority of voters in all other
elections.
Friedman describes the press attitude:
Journalists
are taking every opportunity to find ways to criticize Trump. The Washington
Post recently reported that a passenger asked a Pakistani couple on a United
Airlines flight if they had a bomb in their bag and continued to harass them.
Normally, a man acting like a jackass on a United flight would not be news. The
Washington Post made it news, with the obvious intent to demonstrate how the
president’s positions had triggered such rage. The president views the press as
his enemy. The press views itself as the unbiased defender of the republic.
The press sees itself as what Friedman calls a guardian class. In Plato’s Republic the
guardians were the philosopher kings who knew what was best for the populace.
The best and the brightest, the most serious intellectuals would run the
republic for everyone’s benefit. Being in love with Ideas they had no
self-interest to muck up their reasoning. Such is the mindset of the press—and also
the bureaucracy and many members of the judiciary.
By Friedman’s analysis, they are more self-interested than
they believe. Trump has thrown them a lifeline and they are hold on for dear
life.
He explains:
Since
this was a republic in which ordinary citizens were supposed to control the
state, the role of the press was to be the guardian of the republic.
The real question is: who do the guardians answer to? What
are the checks and balances that control them? Is it their supreme virtue? Or
is it Jon Stewart telling them to go back to doing journalism?
In Friedman’s words:
The
problem is the one posed by the Roman poet Juvenal: Who will guard the
guardians?
And also:
The
founders knew that government officials needed to be monitored by the press.
They assumed that the press would be monitored by internal accountability. It
has not always worked, particularly for what used to be called the prestige
press.
The prestige press includes the Washington Post and the New
York Times. They have now discovered that attacking Trump is good business. Funnily
enough, every time Trump denounces the Times as a failing enterprise the Times
management comes out to explain that Trump has done wonders for its online subscription business:
The
press does this because they see Trump as a threat to the republic and because it
is good business. The readers, listeners and viewers of the prestige press tend
to be a minority of the market. Many draw news from other sources seen by the
prestige press as beneath them. The press must hold on to readership, because
if that readership falls even moderately, news organizations’ ability to stay
in business would be in doubt. The readership consists overwhelmingly of people
who despise the president. Every time the president attacks the press, their
readers become more loyal to these publications. When Trump attacks these
publications by name, their readers, like Trump’s followers, enter that
interesting place where rage at your enemy turns into pure pleasure.
Friedman believes that the press is happy to write negative
articles because it sustains reader hatred of Trump. Still, one finds it
difficult to believe that the Times and the Washington Post are fomenting
hatred. Don’t they know that hatred does not limit itself to a single object?
In Friedman’s words:
… reporters
are happy to write constant negative articles on Trump that dominate their
publications. In doing this, they mobilize their own base, not so much to vote
– they will vote against Trump anyway – but to remain faithful to a publication
now focused on reinforcing readers’ hatred of Trump.
Friedman explains that this war also serves Trump’s interests:
When
you look up articles about Trump in The New York Times and The Washington Post,
they appear as an unending barrage of attacks, some reasonable and some
preposterous. But they all serve Trump’s interests. The prestige press’
unmodulated hostility helps Trump make the claim that he is under attack by
elites hostile to his supporters. It allows him to make the reasonable claim
that the press wants to destroy his presidency. Having as your opponent an
institution distrusted by the public is very good politics.
According to Friedman press hatred allows Trump to
consolidate his political base:
Trump
must hold on to his base at all costs if he hopes to govern. The strategy he
used to win the presidency was built on the assertion that Trump was engaged in
a struggle against those who are indifferent to his supporters’ needs. At the
center of this group was the press. Demonizing the press was not difficult. The
low regard in which the press is held is extraordinary. According to a Pew
Research Center poll, only 18 percent of respondents said they trust news
organizations “a lot.” According to a Gallup poll, 32 percent of the public
find the press reliable. One number is catastrophic and the other is merely
disastrous. The press admires itself far more than the public it serves does.
It is, Friedman concludes, not a time for nuance:
From a
political and business point of view, this is not a time for nuance. Each side
must demonize the other, and each side feels aggrieved at having been
demonized. Trump must hold his support, and the press is working hard every day
to make sure that this happens. The press must hold on to its readership, and
Trump is doing his part to help make sure the press survives, and even
flourishes. The humor of the situation is that both are trying to hold on to
their base and keep it from evaporating. Each is doing that by demonizing the
other.