Politics and governance used to be about making deals. Now,
it’s about inflicting pain on your opponent.
When you have a monopoly on what is right and true anyone who
disagrees with you is evil. Since you can’t make deals with the Devil, you will
see any disagreement as a fight to the death.
Under such circumstances, face-saving compromise is out of
the question. Where life is a zero-sum game, you need to have your opponents to
surrender.
Politicians who engage in such games might be cynical; they
might not know how to negotiate; they might be playing the crisis for their
political advantage.
They leave it to the pundit class to define the
backdrop, to frame the issue as a struggle between good and evil.
The most zealous true-believers, men like Andrew Sullivan
and Paul Krugman, see Republicas as virulent haters, the embodiment of human
evil, a group that needs to be destroyed.
I have often had occasion to point out the intemperate
rhetoric spewing from both of them. Sullivan believes that the current impasse
in Washington can best be solved by running a stake through the heart of the
Republican Party.
Krugman believes that he is always right and that Republican
are always wrong. Better yet, he believes that Republicans are responsible for everyone that has ever
gone wrong in the history of the Republic.
Krugman and Sullivan present themselves as crusaders who are trying to destroy evil. They
are fighting for a righteous cause against—take your pick—the Devil or the
Antichrist.
You may have thought that God was dead, but clever
rhetoricians are still embracing the Biblical narrative of good against evil,
of God against the Devil, of Christ against the Antichrist.
It is not about debating or even arguing. It is about
suppressing your opponents, silencing them, sending them straight to Hell.
Obviously, the posture is theocratic. It has nothing to do
with deliberative democracy and the marketplace of ideas.
Harvard professor Niall Ferguson reminds us of
Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes’ original formulation of what he called free
trade in ideas. Thanks to Holmes the concept has become the foundation of free
speech jurisprudence.
Examine what Holmes said:
When
men have realized that time has upset many fighting
faiths, they may come to believe…that the ultimate good desired is better
reached by free trade in ideas – that the best test of truth is the power of
the thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the market, and that
truth is the only ground upon which their wishes safely can be carried out.
I put the phrase, “fighting faiths” in boldface, because I
want to emphasize that Holmes saw the marketplace of ideas, the bedrock of
democratic governance as an instance of human progress. In place of the wars
between religions, wars where it was us or them, him or me, good or evil… where
triumph over one’s opponents had to be absolute and irrevocable… Western
civilization invented the free market in ideas.
Lately, Ferguson has been challenging Paul Krugman to defend
some of his erroneous predictions. He has called Krugman out for a quality
that I have often noted in his writings: his pretense of never being wrong.
Being on God’s side, Krugman must always be right. His opponents are evil and
he is good.
When things go right it proves that he was right. When
things go wrong the fault always lies with Republicans. It is simple-minded to
an extreme, but it has attracted a large audience.
Ferguson offers that people like Krugman, who believe that
markets should be regulated, should take some of their own medicine. They could
start by self-regulating their intemperate rants.
Free markets depend on civility and, dare I say, honor. If participants
do not respect each other and do not want to make deals, they will transform
the market into a war between religions. In that war everyone loses.
Ferguson explains that Krugman is inflicted with chronic
incivility, especially toward anyone who disagrees with him:
… even
if Krugman had been “right about everything,” there would still be no
justification for the numerous crude and often personal attacks he has made on
those who disagree with him. Words like “cockroach,” “delusional,” “derp,”
“dope,” “fool,” “knave,” “mendacious idiot,” and “zombie” have no place in
civilized debate. I consider myself lucky that he has called me only a
“poseur,” a “whiner,” “inane” – and, last week, a “troll.”
Like Sullivan, Krugman traffics in eliminationist rhetoric.
If your opponents are cockroaches and need to be destroyed, someone somewhere
is likely to get the idea that this should become policy.
Both Sullivan and Krugman hate their opponents. When you
want to destroy the opposition and find nothing redeeming, nothing to be
respected in its positions, you are purveying hate.
Naturally, both men would quickly declare that anyone who
disagrees with any of their dogmas is a hater and deserves to be suppressed.
.
5 comments:
Look up ad-hominem fallacy. Where is the economic substance in this essay? Krugman at least backs up his opinions with substantive arguments even when I do not agree with the substance of his arguments.
The United States net worth appears in the flow of funds accounts kept by the Federal Reserve system -- the net worth turned negative under the Reagan stimulus when taxes were reduced and spending increased. Markets have validated the idea that the United States can operate with a negative net worth over decades of time ... should politicians ruin the credit of the United States if markets are calling for more risk free savings from the government?
As you know, Ferguson just posted three columns on the Huffington Post about economic data supporting his position.
You might have noticed, but I was referring to the rhetorical strategy used by Krugman and Sullivan... which is not about economic substance.
I see no reason why we cannot address the rhetoric without addressing the data... especially when Ferguson has offered up his own set of stats in another place.
The net worth of the United States went more negative under Reagan and Bush II Administrations due to government stimulus and tax reductions which create profits in the private sector. Unfortunately the private sector also became more unstable in Bush II and only the government had the liquidity to save the dollar credit system via further stimulus spending with low taxes.
Aggregate demand requires that the poor and middle class have purchasing power to take up the production of goods and services at the markup over costs of production. Fiscal transfers via the federal government, spending for military or social programs, tends to redistribute purchasing power and actually stabilizes the United States financial system in a way that many conventional economists prefer to ignore or spin as "supply side economics."
It is interesting that both Krugman and Sullivan are the example of the term "transference." They ascribe attributes to others that they demonstrate about themselves.
With Krugman one wants to ask. "Which Krugman?" His thought on Economics seem to change with the political landscape. Sullivan uses invective, name calling, and pejoratives because that is all he that he is capable of and it does fit the people he writes to please.
One can always tell the amount of time spent learning, educating one's self, and reasoning by the need to use this type of language that both Krugman and Sullivan utilize. This same language is extant in a lot of the Left and to some degree on the Right. They never develop the facts, consider the context , the effects and the number of permutations involved in any issue. They look only so far as anything that might be a justification for their ideas no matter the deeper problems entailed. In many cases if it were not for dissembling, and in many cases they know they are doing it, their argument would fall like a house of cards. It is why so much of it is built on the concept of S.T.F.U. They know they cannot compete in the "marketplace of ideas." They cannot be reminded that they are WRONG for their whole persona is wrapped up in their self described superiority. The epitome of the monkey that is "hears no evil" less it interferes with a not very well reasoned argument.
One is wont to ask "So" with some of the use of unconnected information that one reads in some commentary. Also just because one writes something does not make it fact. Where is the context? Wanting to be relevant by tossing out a number of disconnected sentences really does not demonstrate relevance.
This is like what we used to call "yellow journalism." A sentence here, a partial sentence there and one makes up their own version of what actually took place and what was stated.
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