Yesterday the Federal Reserve raised short term interest rates by a piddling quarter of a percentage point. Chairman Jerome Powell, a lawyer by training, declared that more raises were yet to come. The markets seemed to like the news.
Short term market moves do not, alas, mean much of everything. As for the longer term, we turn to one Lawrence Summers, who has been correct in his predictions for the arrival of inflation. Since the life long Democrat predicted inflation well before Russia invaded Ukraine, we continue to see him as a beacon of honesty in the fog of political spin. Or some such.
At a moment when the Senate is about to confirm Jerome Powell for another term as Fed chairman, one understands that Summers himself might well have wanted the job. And one is obliged to conclude that we would have been in better shape if senile Joe had chosen him.
Anyway, I am far from competent to comment on such matters. So I bring you the Summers analysis, from today’s Washington Post.
The hope is that the Fed can engineer the proverbial soft landing, whereby inflation returns to around its 2 percent goal and the economy remains strong without a substantial increase in unemployment. Judging by their statements to date, Powell and his colleagues seem to believe they have a good chance of success.
Then, Summers takes the gloves off and denounces Powell and Co. for their extraordinary errors. Very few people are saying as much, so we pay this special heed:
Anything is possible, and wishful thinking can sometimes prove self-fulfilling. But I believe the Fed has not internalized the magnitude of its errors over the past year, is operating with an inappropriate and dangerous framework, and needs to take far stronger action to support price stability than appears likely.
The Fed’s current policy trajectory is likely to lead to stagflation, with average unemployment and inflation both averaging over 5 percent over the next few years — and ultimately to a major recession.
So, the Fed is leading us to stagflation and recession. Just in case you were feeling good about our economic future.
Indeed, recent research that I conducted with my Harvard colleague Alex Domash shows that overheating conditions of high inflation and low unemployment are usually followed, in short order, by recession.
And then there are a few more Fed errors:
A year ago, the Fed thought inflation would be in the 2 percent range for the next year. Six months ago, it was expressing optimism that inflation was transitory. Two weeks ago, it was still buying mortgage-backed securities even as house prices had increased by more than 20 percent. No explanation has been offered for these rather momentous errors. Nor is there any suggestion that the Fed forecasting procedures or the personnel that produced them will change. Indeed, the most important change in the March Monetary Policy Report to Congress was in the wrong direction — the removal of the discussion of the various monetary policy rules that had suggested policy was dangerously loose.
So, more inflation is on the horizon, from multiple sources. Of course, one needs always to avoid the temptation to blame it all on Vladimir Putin. Summers has no confidence in the Fed’s assessment of inflation risk:
So there is little basis for confidence in the Fed’s assessment of inflation risks. With extraordinarily tight labor markets getting tighter by the best available measures, and wage inflation running at 6 percent and accelerating, high inflation was a major risk even before the events of recent weeks. We now face major new inflation pressures from higher energy prices, sharp run-ups in grain prices due to the Ukraine war, and potentially many more supply-chain interruptions as covid-19 forces lockdowns in China. It would not be surprising if these factors added three percentage points to inflation in 2022. And with price increases outstripping wage increases, a wage-price spiral is a major risk.
Summers continues to criticize the Fed:
In August of 2020, the Fed announced a new policy approach that might never have been prudent, but certainly is not today. It held out the prospect that above-normal inflation can be fine for an extended period of time and ended the traditional Fed approach of responding to expected inflation before it materialized. Essentially, officials switched from the Fed’s traditional “removing the punch bowl before the party gets good” to an approach of “the punch bowl makes people happy. We will remove it only when we see people keeling over drunk.” In today’s high-inflation environment, this new framework should be abandoned.
As for the principles that should determine Fed action, Summers offers two:
First, price stability is essential for sustained maximum employment, while overheating the economy leads to stagflation and higher levels of average unemployment through time.
Second, there can be no reliable progress against inflation without substantial increases in real interest rates, which mean temporary increases in unemployment. Real short-term interest rates are currently lower than at any point in decades. They likely will have to reach levels of at least 2 or 3 percent for inflation to be brought under control. With inflation running above 3 percent, this means rates of 5 percent or more — something markets currently regard as almost unimaginable.
And then, tucked into the next paragraph, we discover that, according to Summers, the Fed has lost sight of its mission and its purpose because it has added social justice and environmental protection to the list.
I hope the Fed will make clear that inflation reduction is its principle objective, and that it will wind down efforts to promote worthy but nonmonetary goals such as social justice and environmental protection. This implies committing to doing whatever is necessary with interest rates to bring down inflation, including movements of more than a quarter-point at some meetings and a rapid reduction of its balance sheet. It also means recognizing that unemployment is likely to rise sometime over the next couple of years.
A brutal assessment, to say the least. Well worthy of your consideration, no matter which side of the political divide you call home.
2 comments:
Problem for them is that 5% on a $30 trillion debt is $1.5 trillion to start, and has to be paid before a single penny can be spent on social programs, let alone defense. That's why they have to keep the rates rock bottom. The question is whether the market will keep buying US government debt at those rates--especially when they're not as risk-free as they used to be.
I trust NOTHING from the WaPoo (see also, the NYT!)
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